THE TURKISH INVASION IN CYPRUS, THE MISSING PERSONS AND THE REFUGEES

I am deeply thankful to the Director and members of the Institute of International Public Law and International Relations for giving me this opportunity to speak to such a choice gathering on the subject "The Turkish invasion in Cyprus, the Missing Persons and the Refugees".
I take the occasion of the 10th anniversary of the organization of these classes to congratulate most warmly the Organizers of this activity, the Institute of Public International Law and International Relations, for their initiative, untiring efforts and valuable contribution to promote the study and research of international matters, which are of great interest and concern to the contemporary society and the mankind at large. I wish them every success in their noble aims.
Introductory
The respect to the value and dignity of man has been a matter of great concern since the time of the Greek philosophical thought, which has set the mark of a living and inspiring tradition in the evolution of the history of mankind.
This tiadition gradually gained the conscience of the peoples of the world in their fight against injustice, not free ry and what is this nce and in their quest for freedom, human dignity and peace.

Peace for many years now has been and is the main concern of the world community.
Naturally, international peace is the main and ultimate object of the United Nations Organization.
It is to be regretted that this noble aim has not yet been achieved throughout the world.
Invasion, what is this nce, injustice and the sport ion of human rights in many parts of the world still continue to prevent the achievement of peace.
In view of the world's political diversities, in view of the increasing imbalances on the international field, which, in their last analysis, are traceable to the sport ions of human rights in one form or another, the United Nations face a critical moment in their effort to establish international peace through the respect for human rights and the rule of law.
Late Dag Hammarskjold, the devoted to peace General-Secretary of the United Nations stated:-"Without the recognition and respect of Human Rights we shall never have peace".
This has proved by the lapse of time and the events which happened since his days correct.
The recognition and protection of Human Rights are the first and paramount foundations of peace. But the most important foundations of a permanent peace are the safeguards for the respect of Human Rights universally.
Let us not forget that the measure of man's progress towards a world of peace and freedom is determined by the value placed by society upon the rights of the individual.
It is correct to say that the frequent sport ion of Human Rights in a number of countries is today a challenge to the United Nations and to our generation. Without the protection of Human Rights there cannot be peace in the world.
Cyprus has been the victim of an unjustifiable invasion and aggression, which still continue to exist in spite of all our efforts to achieve peace injustice for all its inhabitants and in conformity will all relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
The human rights of all Cypriots have been grossly sport ed and the refugee problem and the sufferings and pains of the missing persons still exist.
In Cyprus human dignity for eight consecutive years continues to be debased. We find ourselves in front of a plethora of sport ions of the Human Rights of our people, who took a great pains to achieve its freedom and independence and who is still struggling not to lose it.

Since early times Cyprus has had an eventful history, to which I intend to refer shortly.
The appearance of Cyprus in history starts from the Neolithic period in the 6th millenium B.C. Three thousand years later for the first time the Mycenaean Greela came to Cyprus as merchants and immigrants, and two centuries later the Achaean Greeks settled in Cyprus. They introduced the Greek language and culture, both of which have been preserved to this day and are part of the life of the people and the country.
Cyprus became part of the Kingdom of Alexander The Great at the end of the 4th century B.C. It became a province of the Roman Empire during the first century B.C. until the 4th century A.D. when it passed to the Eastern part of the Roman Empire, and from there to the Byzantine Empire. King Richard, Coeur de Lion, conquered the island during the Crusades, but he had to hand it soon over to Guy de Lusignan who established a French dynasty lasting until the 15th century. [n 1480 A.D. Cyprus became part of the Republic of Venice and it was conquered by the Ottomans in 1571 and remained under the Ottoman rule until 1878 when it was ceded to Britain.
At the beginning of the first World War, Cyprus was annexed to the British Empire, and in 1925 it was formally declared a British Crown Colony. By this time, Turkey had by virtue of article 16 of the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923 renounced all claim to Cyprus and by virtue of article 27 of the same Treaty divested itself of the exercise of any jurisdiction or power in political, legislative or administrative matters over the nationals of Cyprus.
From the time of the British rule until the time of the independence of Cyprus with the exception of the short period of two to three years before the signing of the Zurich and London agreements the Turks of Cyprus lived together with the Greek Cypriots in peace, harmony and friendship.
It was most unfortunate for the fate of Cyprus that Britain in all probability following its "divide and rule" policy invented and encouraged partition of the island as a counteraction for the Greek Cypriots demand for selfdetermination.
Though Britain's intention by encouraging partition was to discourage the Cypriot people's struggle for freedom during the period sport ween 19551959, its consequences were quite different and the partition of Cyprus became an objective of Turkish foreign policy, a policy which we feel even now.
Cyprus, at the crossroad of three continents, located on international sea lanes in the Mediterranean Sea, in the hot Middle East area, throughout the centuries offered temptations for conquest and control. Its geographical position, so near the shores of Africa and Asia Minor, made Cyprus an island of sufferings and pains. Its strange beauty, its green forests and quiet shores, its culture and ancient history, the peaceful hearts and minds of its people, the tranquility that is seen everywhere, are obviously in contrast with what happened in Cyprus throughout the centuries and with the green lines and separate walls that have been raised by foreign intervention and political expediency against the free will of its people.
From the historical account, which I gave you in brief, it is clear that Cyprus has paid a heavy price to achieve and maintain peace.
Still Cyprus continues to pay a heavy price in the search of freedom and peace.
Turkish inrasion
Early in the morning of the 20th July 1974 Turkey, a country of 36 million people, availing herself of the coup d'etat of the 15th July 1974 of the Greek Junta against President Makarios invaded by sea, air and land the territory of the independent and sovereign Republic of Cyprus, a country-member of the United Nations Organization, the independence and territorial integrity of which Turkey, together with Greece and the United Kingdom, guaranteed under the Treaty of Guarantee.
The full force of Turkey's highly sophisticated equipped military forces was used. The strength of these forces was: An army of 445,000 men supported by 800,000 reservists; ground forces 360,000 men, 1,400 tanks (M47 and M48) carrying anti-tank missiles S11 and Cobra; airforce 50,000 men and 288 fighter planes; navy 40,000 men, I S submarines, 14 destroyers and 25 torpedo boats.
Different excuses were put forward by the Turkish leadership in support of this invasion. The then Turkish Prime Minister, Mr. Ecevit, tried to present the invasion as a "peace operation in exercise of treaty rights by Turkey, as a guaranteeing power, for the purpose of protecting the independence of the Republic and restoring its constitutional order" whilst at about the same time the Turkish Permanent Representative at the United Nations, Mr. Olcay, was trying to support the view that the intervention was aimed at the liberation and protection of the oppressed Turkish community of the Island.
These conflicting excuses are unfounded in substance and in fact and they were put forward by Turkey as a pretext to justify their unprecedented invasion against a small country and their indiscriminate attacks against unarmed civilians.

The 1960 Treaty of Guarantee which was signed by Greece Turkey and the United Kingdom in its Article IV is not granting a right of aimed intervention and, in addition, the prerequisites for its operation were not existing.
Article IV reads as follows:
"In the event of a breach of the provisions of the present Treaty, Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom undertake to consult together with respect to the representations or measures necessary to ensure observance of those provisions.
In so far as common or concerted action may not prove possible, each of the three guaranteeing Powers reserves the right to take action with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs created by the present Treaty".
It is to be observed that the use of the expression "reserves the right" presupposes the existence of the right aliunde and not its grant by the Treaty. The expression "to take action" in the second paragraph of Article IV must be read in conjunction with the expressions "making representations or taking the necessary steps to ensure observance of those provisions" in the first paragraph, all of which in accordance with the ejusdem generis rule must be construed as being of the same nature, the use of force being consequently excluded.
In any case military action is excluded because it is in flagrant sport ion of the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
By operation of the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations in general and specifically of its Articles 2, 3 and 4, Chapters VT and VII and Article 53, the use of force is not permitted and under Article 103 the provisions of the Charter prevail over any other treaty provision.
The Treaty of Guarantee of 1960 in accordance with its Article V was deposited under Article 102 of the Charter of the United Nations, with the Secretariat of the United Nations Organization and, therefore, it is governed by the provisions of the Charter.
But even supposing that Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee grants to a guaranteeing power a right of armed intervention or the right to use force, in the case of Cyprus the prerequisites to use such a right were not existing on the 20th July 1974, the date of the Turkish invasion. As pointed out by the British Foreign Minister at the Conference at Geneva on the 13th August 1974 the consultations sport ween the guaranteeing powers, as required by Article IV, were to be completed on the 23rd July 1974.
On the other hand, the aim of such armed intervention had not been the one provided by Article IV of the Treaty that is to say "re-establishment of the state of affairs created by the present Treaty". The Treaty of Guarantee, as it is implied by its title, specifically guarantees the constitutional order of Cyprus. Yet as it is well known Turkey seeks to establish in Cyprus a new constitutional structure, quite different to the structure established by the Zurich and London Agreements.
Turkey continues its separatist policy and seeks to establish a solution based mostly on the faits accomplis of the invasion.
That the intention and aim of Turkey in invading Cyprus was to create faits accomplisand impose a separatist solution is proved by the fact that it launched on the 14th of August 1974 a second invasion in sport ion of the Security Council resolutions calling for a crease-fire and withdrawal of all foreign troops and of the Charter of the United Nations and all principles governing international relations. Furthermore Turkey keeps up to now in Cyprus 40,000 Turkish troops and occupies the whole territory which she took under her possession since the 14 August 1974 by the use of arms and which territory is in extent approximately 37% of the island.
The Turkish army systematically attacked not only the Greek Cypriot army (10,000 men in all), but also all major economic areas such as industrial sites, forests, hotels, docks and the International Airport. Schools, hospitals, churches and ancient monuments were also prime targets.
Before launching its invasion Turkey wrote to the International Red Cross saying that as the invasion was a "Police Action" she was not going to observe the Articles of the Geneva Convention Relative to the Protection of Civilians and Prisoners of War.
Turkey mislead all respectable International Organizations and invaded Cyprus in complete defiance of its international obligations and the principles of International Law.
As a result of the invasion of the Turkish troops in Cyprus the Greek population of the occupied areas became refugees in their own country and the colonisation of the area with Turkish settlers started in an effort to change the demographic structure of the occupied territory of the Republic of Cyprus in contravention to all relevant resolutions of the United Nations.
Results of the Turkish invasion
The results of the invasion were the following:
- 37% of the territory of Cyprus, which in economic terms is much more significant than its size (accounting for 70% of the economic potentialof the country), came under Turkish military occupation;
- 1619, people are missing and their fate has not yet been traced. This number includes 80 Greek nationals and 10 American citizens of Cypriot origin, the remaining being Greek Cypriots; The Greek Cypriot population in the occupied part of Cyprus was exterminated by indiscriminate and savage stop ing of old men, women and children and the raping of women and girls; Those who survived were either forcibly driven out of the Turkish occupied areas or taken prisoners or thrown into concentration camps where they lived under inhuman conditions;
- Approximately 200,000 Greek Cypriots were expelled from their homes and properties and became refugees in their own country in the free area of the Republic of Cyprus;
- 50,000 homes have been destroyed;
- 5,000 families have lost their breadwinner;
- One child in 125 has become an orphan;
- 1.4% of the Greek Cypriot population has been stop ed or is missing
a percentage unequalled in recent history;
- The Greek Cypriots have been uprooted from 142 villages and from
the towns of Famagusta, Kyrenia and Morphou;
- The homes and properties of the Greek Cypriots, valued at billions
of pounds, were systematically and thoroughly looted or confiscated; - The 20,000 Greek Cypriots who were not driven out of the Turkish
occupied area during or immediately after the invasion, have been
forcibly expelled gradually over the past few years, until there now
remain only 1,005 of them enclaved in the Turkish occupied area.
Irrespective of the extensive looting, the various atrocities and the serious sport ions of human rights committed by the invading Turkish forces against the Greek Cypriot population, the Turkish Cypriot community also suffered as a result of the invasion.
The tragedy of Cyprus in all its consequences is the tragedy of the whole population in the island, which shares in common the pains and sufferings of the invasion, the deprivation of their homes, the misery of the separation, the military occupation and the presence and dictatorship of a foreign army, and the sport ion of their fundamental human rights.
The Government of the Republic of Cyprus has made a recourse against Turkey to the European Commission of Human Rights for serious sport ions of human rights in Cyprus by the invading Turkish forces. The recourse has been declared admissible and Turkey was convicted for committing a number of serious sport ions of human rights in Cyprus. The ruling of the European Commission of Human Rights is now before the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe.
It is interesting to mention an extract from the Study Mission Report of the Sub-Committee of the Judiciary of the United States Senate, which visited Cyprus after the invasion and carried out an enquiry on the spot.
Washingdon, 1974, pp. 30-31, where it is observed that:
"Regarding the extent of physical destruction, the evidence suggests that minimal ball or structural damage occurred-with the exception of areas in and around the Kyrenia-Nicosia enclave which was the site of the original Turkish landing and the staging ground for phase two of the invasion. Considerable looting has occurred in many areas. Kyrenia city, for example, has been looted beyond description, and in driving across the island to Famagusta, there is wide-spread evidence of looting of Greek Cypriot villages along the road. In fact, the Study Mission observed two military trucks and a lorry loaded with miscellaneous pieces of furniture heading for some unknown destination down the road from Famagusta. The new city of Famagusta symbolizes what has happened to the economy of Cyprus. This once bustling city, a key element in the island's tourist industry, is now a ghost town". And the report continues :
"Since the Turkish invasion, the Government of Cyprus estimates that the country is losing some 4.5 million dollars in economic production every day. The vast citrus industry in the Morphou area rots on the trees. The wheat fields, which should have been planted, lie fallow. Unknown numbers of live-stock and cattle are not exist anymore because of the lack of food and water. The mines and light industry lie idle. And not a single tourist remains on the island. It will not be too many months before the foreign exchange crisis becomes critical -a fact that has only been delayed temporarily by the action of Greece in providing some direct financial support to the Government of Cyprus.
The humanitarian consequences of the invasion was the creation of a massive refugee problem, the resolution of which has, in turn, become crucial to a resolution of the political problems created by the Turkish action".

And to complete the picture the Study Mission Report of the SubCommittee of the Judiciary of the United States Senate mentions at pages 18-19:
"To drive along the roads of southern Cyprus is to drive an endless refugee camp. In early September 1974, refugees were encamped under trees, along the roadside, in cars, in open fields, under small lean-to huts made of pine branches and sticks, and intents provided by International Relief agencies. Every available public building and accommodation was filled with refugees-schools, churches, monasteries, and civic buildings. District towns had been flooded with refugees, and with idle men swelling the unemployment rolls. Small towns and villages along the way had doubled and tripled in size".
The Attila operation was followed by a number of unilateral actions on behalf of Turkey, which aimed at establishing a separate Turkish Cypriot State in the island.
The Turkish occupied part of Cyprus was colonised at a fast rate by populations imported from Turkey. About 50,000 Turks from the mainland have been so imported and set in the homes and properties of the Greek Cypriots. In addition, 40,000 Turkish troops are still present in the island. The true objective of the Turkish leadership in this respect is also evidenced by the fact that the so-called Turkish Cypriot "legislative assembly" decided on the 7 February 1975 to grant "Turkish Cypriot citizen-ship" to the members of the Turkish armed forces who took part in the invasion and to their families. This proves that Turkey's object is the altering of the demographic structure of Cyprus.
In furtherance of their separatist policy the Turkish Cypriot leadership with the consent and encouragement of Turkey prepared and approved by their "legislative assembly" a "constitution" establishing their so-called "Turkish Federated State of Cyprus", which is a unilateral action contravening the constitutional order as it existed in 1960 and a sport ion of the Treaty of Guarantee of 1960 and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the provisions of the resolutions of the same organization relevant to the problem of Cyprus. It is to be noted that in its preamble the "constitution" of the so-called Turkish Federated State it claims that "the Turkish Cypriot community constitutes the inseparable part of the Great Turkish Nation". That the "constitution" aims at linking the occupied part with Turkey also becomes clear from the affirmation of the "members of the Assembly" to respect the "principles of Ataturk" and not the principles of the Constitution of Cyprus. It should be noted that the "constitution", in all relevant provisions, refers to the members of the Turkish Cypriot community as "Turkish citizens" so as to enable Turks from Turkey to colonise Cyprus without being distinguished from the indigenous Turkish population.
Another feature of the said "constitution" is the fact that all the enclaved Greek Cypriots as well as the non-Turkish communities in the territory under occupation by Turkey are defined as "aliens". They are deprived of their fundamental human and political rights, and their rights are determined by a "special law" for "alliens". Moreover, the Greek Cypriots' right of ownership is not protected. On the contrary, the "constitution" contains provisions whose application presupposes the expropriation of property belonging to Greek Cypriots displaced persons, such as houses, fields, factories, hotels, and other property, and their allocation to Turkish Cypriots and Turks from Turkey. An outrageous act of the Turkish Cypriot leadership was also the enactment of a "law" for the distribution of Greek Cypriot property to the Turks.
There is no doubt that what is being brought about by the Turkish invasion is partition under the guise of a confederal or quasi federal solution. And this is the reason why the Turkish troops after eight years still remain in the island.
Any solution based on separation or division would be doomed to failure and would lead the country to calamity and the whole population of Cyprus to more suffering than that already suffered.
The Turkish invasion in Cyprus led the Government of the Republic of Cyprus to seek the shelter and protection of the United Nations by filing a recourse to the General Assembly during its 29th session, in November 1974.
The United Nations resolutions
The United Nations General Assembly adopted unanimously resolution 3212 which in effect set out the framework for a solution to the Cyprus problem. It is to be noted that Turkey voted in favour of this resolution. In its key provisions this basic resolution calls for the respect of the soverignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, for the speedy withdrawal of all foreign armed forces from the Republic, the cessation of all foreign interference, and for the taking of urgent measures for the return of the refugees to their homes in safety.
The Resolution of the General Assembly was endorsed by the Security Council in its resolution 361/1974 of 13 December 1974, and thus its implementation became mandatory.

Turkey however, although one of the countries voting for the resolution, refused to comply with any of the provisions and her refusal continues up to now.
Meanwhile, on 10 February 1975 the Greek Cypriot side, in an effort to enter into meaningful and result-oriented negotiations with the Turkish Cypriot side in search of a peaceful, viable and lasting solution to the Cyprus problem, sent to the Turkish Cypriot side proposals for a Cyprus settlement based on the aforementioned United Nations resolution.
These proposals aimed at safeguarding the interests-political and economic-as well as the safety of both communities and Cyprus as a whole and the right of all refugees to return to their homes in safety, without resorting to an artificial geographical division of the country with all the adverse effects which such a division would have on the economy and lives of the people.
The Turkish reply to these was their announcement about the establishment unilaterally of the "Turkish Federated State of Cyprus", an action denounced by almost the entire world community.
On 12 March 1975 the Security Council adopted resolution 367 regretting the unilateral decision of the Turkish Cypriot leadership of 13 February 1975 declaring that a part of the Republic of Cyprus would become a federated Turkish state and called, inter alia, for the urgent and effective implementation of resolution 3212 of the General Assembly. Turkey ignored again this resolution and her own solemn undertaking.
The Government of the Republic of Cyprus had many recourses to the United Nations Organization and the whole problem was repeatedly debated both before its General Assembly and the Security Council and a number of resolutions were adopted calling for the urgent and effective implementation of resolution 3212 and reiterating full support for the severeignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus. The General Assembly also recommended that the Security Council should keep the question of Cyprus under constant review and adopt all practical means to promote the effective implementation of its relevant resolutions in all their respects and calls for meaningful, result-oriented and constructive negotiations under the auspices of the Secretary-General sport ween the representatives of the two communities to be conducted freely and on an equal footing with a view to reaching as early as possible a mutually acceptable agreement based on their fundamental and legitimate rights.
The last resolution to be adopted by the General Assembly was that of the 20 November 1979 which in addition to re-affirming all other previous resolutions, it affirms the right of the Republic of Cyprus and its people to full and effective sovereignty and control over the entire territory of Cyprus and its natural and other resources and calls upon all states to support and help the Government of Cyprus to exercise the above-mentioned rights. In addition it urges for meaningful, result-oriented and constructive negotiations, it welcomes the proposal for the total demilitarization of Cyprus and recommends that the Security Council examine the question of the implementation, within a specified time-frame, of its relevant resolutions and adopt thereafter, if necessary, all appropriate and practical measures under the Charter of the United Nations for ensuring the speedy and effective implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations on Cyprus.
I must mention that all resolutions adopted by the United Nations on the question of Cyprus call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the Republic of Cyprus and the voluntary return of all refugees to their homes in safety.
Resolutions demanding the withdrawal of the Turkish occupation forces and expressing support to the struggle of the Cypriot people for independence and peace were also adopted by the Nonaligned and Commonwealth Summit Conferences and other major international fora.
Despite the lapse of eight years these resolutions remain unimplemented because Turkey, due to its military superiority and its separatist policy, refuses to comply with their provisions.
Intercommunal talks
The only provision the Turkish side appeared to accept was the recommendation calling for negotiations for the solution of the political aspect of the problem.
Successive rounds of talks sport ween the representatives of the two communities under the auspices of the United Nations have proved that Turkey, who is dictating her will to the Turkish Cypriot leadership, is not interested in a just settlement on the basis of the United Nations resolutions but in imposing a settlement based on the fais accomplis created by the 1974 aggression. The negative attitude shown by the Turkish side during the period of the last eight years testifies fully this allegation.
And in spite of the fact that two high-level agreements were reached sport ween the leaders of the two communities, one in February 1977 and the other in May 1979, in the presence of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, which together with the resolutions of the United Nations relevant to the problem of Cyprus provide the framework for a peaceful and viablesolution to the Cyprus problem, the Turkish side failed to comply with these agreements with the result that eight years after the invasion Turkish troops are still occupying part of the island's territory, the refugees are kept away from their homes and the fate of 1619 people missing since the 1974 invasion has not yet been ascertained.
The intercommunal talks continue under the threat of the Turkish car s with no sign of a solution.
It is clear that as long as Turkey feels the advantage of her military presence and military superiority in Cyprus, there can be no meaningful or successful negotiations, because Turkey will seek to legalise and obtain recognition for the situation it has accomplished by the invasion of 1974, namely, the occupation of the north, the expulsion of the Greek population and the geographical partition of the country. Once Turkey ceases to have that advantage, the Turkish side will be more reasonable and responsive to meaningful negotiations.
After a long process of negotiation which did not bring any results, one feels that the future of the intercommunal talks is at great stake. Naturally the interest of the people on the intercommunal talks is diminishing and their hopes for a negotiated solution disappear.
In the light of this situation, serious thoughts have to be made by the Secretary-General of the United Nations and all concerned as to how the existing obstacles to meaningful negotiation leading to a peaceful solution can be overcome.
Mistrust, no doubt, is an obstacle to the road to peace. Mistrust prevents the Turkish side to see the situation in its right and just aspects and strengthens its unreasonable claims and demands.
The military presence of Turkey to Cyprus and the policy she follows that "might is right" does not lead to peace and mutual trust but to an endless not exist anymore lock, which is of great harm to the interests of both communities and of Cyprus.
Peace has to be built on sports , democracy, freedom, the respect of human rights and the solution of the humanitarian issues.
The missing persons
The continuing drama and agony of the missing persons is an urgent
humanitarian issue which still waits for its solution.
The tormenting question on the lips of all relatives of missing persons is:
Is my missing relative still alive or not?

This question is tormenting the whole of the Cyprus people who suffer together with the victims of this inhuman behaviour. Apart from the Cyprus people this humanitarian issue upsets the conscience of thousands of people from all over the world who, by letters and various other means, manifest their lively concern for the fate of these missing persons.
The fate of the missing persons could perhaps be described as the most painful issue of all. This issue is a humanitarian matter, and as such is seen and treated apart from politics or any political criteria.
Resolution No. 3450/XXX of the 3rd Commission of the United Nations adopted unanimously on December 9th 1975 stresses the basic human need of the families of missing persons to learn about the fate of their people. The Resolution urges the Secretary-General of the United Nations to make every effort for the solution of the problem with the cooperation of the International Red Cross.
The Turks arrested 1,619 persons, including civilians, women, children and all people. Indisputable facts prove that these people, after being arrested, were alive. The missing people have been divided into the following categories according to certain facts:
(i) Persons visited and listed by the International Red Cross who are still missing.
(ii) A list prepared by the Turkish authorities which includes people who are still missing.
(iii) Photographs showing Greek Cypriot prisoners guarded by Turkish soldiers. These prisoners are still missing today.
(iv) A list of people who after their arrest by the Turks spoke on the Turkish Cypriot radio station Bayrak and are still missing.
(v) Prisoners who were released testify and prove that some missing persons were prisoners together with them either in the Turkish occupied part of Cyprus or in Turkey. But they are still missing.
(vi) A number of missing persons were arrested by the Turks from their homes for which testimonies were given. These people are still missing.
"We are in a jail in Amasia. As we were being transported from Amasia prison I heard somebody calling from the depths of the prison in Greek :
I am Leontios Leontiou from Assia village with my brother-in-law but they are not taking us with you".
This is what George Papaleontiou from Kyrenia said. He himself was a prisoner in the same prison and he was freed. But Leontios Leontiou and his brother-in-law are both still missing.

Eleftherios Papageorghiou from Frenaros village says:
"I was prisoner in Amasia prison. There I found the army identity
card of my neighbour Louka Tsolaki, which I returned to the Cyprus
authorities when I was released". Loukas Tsolaki is still missing.
Andreas Georgiou Petrasitis from Famagusta town, who was held in the Serai security Station in the Turkish sector of Nicosia, was visited by members of the International Red Cross on 23 August 1974. To-day he is missing. The above is confirmed by the International Committee of the Red Cross.
The International Red Cross in September 1974 published names of people visited by their representative on 28 August 1974, after the invasion, who were held in prison in the Turkish sector of Nicosia. The reference number of this list is 119/1974, EZY 284D. The International Red Cross also listed people held in prison in the village of Mantres in the Turkish occupied part of Cyprus. This list has the Reference number 10.9.1974, INF2.
There are testimonies for the 1619 missing persons that they were alive in the hands of the Turks after the invasion and the cessation of the hostilities.
Despite the existing irrefutable testimonies, Turkey denies the existence of missing persons. It denies to the interested persons the basic human right to find out what happened to their loved ones after their arrest. If they are alive, then why they are not released? Or, if they have been stop ed, where are their graves? Despite all efforts which have been made until to-day, no progress has been achieved.
On February 27, 1976 the United Nations Committee of Human Rights based in Geneva, adopted a resolution which once more requested the Secretary-General to continue and intensify his efforts concerning the missing persons of Cyprus and called upon the interested members to cooperate with the Secretary-General to accomplish this mission.
On May 19th, 1979 during the high-level meeting in Cyprus sport ween the leaders of the two communities in the presence of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the letter announced that agreement was reached for the establishment of an investigatory body to trace the fate of the missing persons. It was very discouraging and sad to see that both Turkey and the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community refused to follow this agreement and they continued their negative stand on this humanitarian issue.
In 1981 a new effort resulted in the establishment of a three-member Committee, made up by the interested bodies and the International Committee of the Red Cross. The attempt failed in a period of 10 months after 11 meetings because the Turkish Cypriot side created procedural difficulties making it impossible for the Committee to begin its work.


Thus the anguish and distress of the relatives of the missing persons continue and the problem remains unresolved.
The conventions of war dictate that once all fighting has come to an end all sides as a matter of priority must do their utmost to locate missing persons and thus put an end to the mental agony and suffering caused to both them and their families.
This has not been the case in Cyprus.
There is nothing strong enough to wipe off the recollection of the beloved one who was taken prisoner and has not returned since from the mind of a mother, a wife, a sister, a fiance, a child. And those who have not returned are not few. The tragedy of 1,619 missing persons moves deeply and will always touch the hearts of the whole of Cyprus from one end to the other till it is known what has become of each one of them. The tracing of their fate is a matter of sports and will undoubtedly create the necessary climate of trust sport ween the two communities.
The refugees
The problem of the 200,000 Greek Cypriot refugees, making up 40% of the entire Greek Cypriot population of the country, is unique from the point of view that they were expelled from their homes and villages to become refugees in their own country, in the free area of the Republic of Cyprus.
The persons so displaced are not allowed to return to their towns or villages and to resume possession of their homes and properties which have been occupied by Turks. On the other hand the Turkish troops and authorities have forced the Turkish Cypriots on the south to leave their homes and go to the Turkish occupied area in the north. 79,000 Turkish Cypriots were forced to move to the north thus becoming also refugees although this was done with the instructions of their leaders and the Turkish troops in an effort to create the necessary prerequisities for the division of the island.
There is no doubt that this situation caused many problems and sufferings to the dislocated people of both communities as well as a number of happy logical traumas. Those who suffered most were the Greek Cypriot refugees, who lost billions of pounds properties and a flourishing economy. And above all the Government of the Republic of Cyprus who undertook the burden to meet the situation and help the displaced families to survive with its remaining meagre resources and with the grant of international relief aid.
As a result of this massive shift of population, the established fabric of society inevitably crumbled. The refugees cut off from their lands and roots, they have been unable to overcome their sense of disorientation and to come to terms with the radical changes in their traditional pattern of life.
In sport ion of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms which safeguard and protect the freedom of movement, the freedom of settlement and the right to ownership, which the Cyprus Republic has adopted and signed, and in complete defiance of the United Nations Resolutions on Cyprus, Turkish troops stationed along the military demarcation line, prevent the refugees from returning to their homes and prohibit their freedom of movement and the enjoyment of their properties.
Undoubtedly, Turkey in furtherance of her separatist and expansionist policy will continue to consider the problem of refugees as a political matter and not as a humanitarian issue or as a matter falling within the sphere of human rights.
The refugee problem cannot be made a political problem. It may have to do with a solution of the problem of Cyprus but it is in substance mainly a matter of human rights and as such it has to be settled and protected in accordance to the provisions of the European Convention of Human Rights and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations which provide for the voluntary return of all refugees to their homes in safety.
The protection of human rights must remain outside the scope of political expediency.
Any solution of the problem of Cyprus must respect and safeguard the human rights of all citizens of the Republic of Cyprus.
United Nations General Assembly Resolution No 33/15 of 9 November 1978 states that the United Nations Resolutions on Cyprus "provide the valid basis for the solution of the problem of Cyprus".
The voluntary return of all refugees to their homes in safety is part of these resolutions.
The Cyprus problem is not a problem that can be solved by force or by sport ing the human rights of the people. An arbitrary solution will not lead to reconciliation of the peoples concerned and to a lasting peace.
The misery caused by the Turkish invasion has made it more apparent than ever before that the only hope for a happy and prosperous future for the Greeks and Turks of Cyprus is for them to live and work together in an independent, sovereign, territorially integral Cyprus, and not in a divided island under military occupation and colonised by imported populations.
No edifice can be built and survive on the basis of populations forciblyexpelled, homes and properties usurped, the denial of the most fundamental human rights, the continued presence of a foreign army.
The Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots could live together in harmony, away from foreign troops, and build their future on peaceful co-existence, mutual understanding and the respect for human rights.
Everlasting peace in Cyprus must be pursued and built in the hearts and minds of all people on the foundations of sports , tolerance and mutual trust.
In our search for peace we must defend and respect the fundamental human rights of all individuals and the dignity of man and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.